Hi all,
I have been thinking about our discussion of feminism, particularly that vein of it captured by Colin's question of whether it is appropriate to use the label "feminism" to refer to women's activism in the 1960s/1970s. This taps into an issue that has become more and more fascinating to me the longer I teach 20th century history: why is the civil rights movement so lionized even as it is misunderstood, while feminism is so condemned even as it is misunderstood?
Undergrads regularly describe the civil rights movement as "not radical" or "only asking for common sense things like equality" or "led by moderate and peaceful men like MLK Jr." We know there is virtually no basis in reality for these descriptions. But student voices, I think, are good bellweathers of what's on TV, the History Channel, what's said at their dinner table, etc., etc. So their words speak to the astonishing success of men like King to win the PR battle over civil rights--not just against white supremacists but against other elements of the civil rights movement and even against awareness of their own very tactical side--and also the success of conservative "color blind" language in improbably transforming King's legacy into an argument against civil rights legislation.
Then, too, undergrads also describe feminism as "radical," "man-hating," "angry," and absurd, and they seem entirely unaware of either the gender-based inequalities and traumas that gave rise to feminism, or feminists' concrete (yet limited) successes in addressing them. There were, of course, feminists who fit students' stereotypes, and not all feminist efforts were even remotely successful (or even desirable). But these hardly represent the "average" feminist, if such a creature even existed in such a diverse and wide-ranging movement. As with civil rights movement memory, students' conventional-wisdom view speaks to the vagaries of historical memory, not the historical record: first, the success of affluent white feminists in defining feminism as concerned with their issues, and second, the success of anti-feminists in associating feminism with its elites and with its most radical non-elite elements. Together this has produced a dynamic neatly opposite of what has occurred for the civil rights movement.
How does this relate to the question about who to call a "feminist"? I think--though I could be wrong--that this distorted historical memory explains the very widely held desire to "protect" women activists from being tarred by the feminist label. Why? Well, for example, "First Wave" feminists did not (mostly) call themselves feminists at all- they were suffragists, or Temperance crusaders, birth control advocates, etc., etc. But taken together they were clearly a notable social movement, and rarely is there debate over whether we can call them "first wave feminists."* Almost all social movements are warehouses of enormous internal diversity--the civil rights movement included, as we now know!--and usually we are able to settle on a general term for them, albeit with caveats and the occasional illuminating debate (see: black power). The intensity and specific shape of these debates concerning Second Wave feminism seem unique to me, however. (Maybe old fashioned debates over whether the Progressives exist are a parallel case- maybe.)
What to do, then? Given the diversity of postwar feminism, if we shouldn't call the Operation Life people "feminists," then perhaps historians shouldn't bother talking about "feminism" as much as they do--if that word can only refer to, say, affluent, white, self-identified "feminists" speaking to issues that only pertained to their own group, then it is a poor frame for understanding both women's activism, and the radical cultural, social, and legal changes that it produced in the postwar era.
My first instinct was to think of this as a loss--allowing present-day ideologies to erase historical understanding (not necessarily approval: we should understand history but make our own value judgments about it; the problem isn't criticisms of feminist values/actions, but lack of awareness that they even happened at all, or at minimum a very distorted sense of what they involved). But perhaps this is investing too much in a word. Maybe it would be better to drop "feminism" as a general label and just use it to refer to affluent white women's activism. One trouble with this, however, is translating the decision outside the academy. Understanding women's activism and its consequences seems equally important, to me, as understanding race-based civil rights activism. The easiest way to bring that story out, I have usually thought, would be to "rescue" feminism by correctly applying it to the very broad range of women (and men) activists who reshaped postwar gender relations. I think this is what people *think* they mean when they say the term, but they just mistakenly think that that very broad range is actually homogenous and narrow. But after trying unsuccessfully to do this in ten years of undergraduate teaching--after getting essay after essay repeating cultural stereotypes, blissfully free of any historical evidence or fact even after two-week-long units on feminism--perhaps it is time to give up the ghost. But the word "feminism" already has a niche in historical memory that means at least a good portion of what it is supposed to mean. Would it be better to fix what's wrong with it, or to concede the point and try to carve out a whole new niche based on some new term like "postwar women's activism"?
What do you think?
David
*There is debate, of course, over whether particular parts of these various movements deserve the label, e.g., Temperance--but this has mostly been over exactly that: whether they have "earned" the label through progressive gender beliefs and actions, not over whether they should be "tarred" by association with feminism.
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Maybe it's because I've worked in movements, but I tend to think of them as being more coherent or intentional or "self-named" than would be implied by including Operation Life in the feminist movement. To me, movements share a body of leaders and leading institutions, institutional affiliations, terminologies and jargon, broad strategic and tactical consensus, coordinated actions, collective responsibilty, etc.
ReplyDeleteSo for me, the fact that someone (or some group) acts in ways that might seem to be in line with a movement doesn't necessarily indicate their participation in that movement. I'm imagining a mother taking her son down to the local Quaker meeting house for draft counseling. Helping someone avoid the draft is certainly an anti-war thing to do, but that doesn't make her part of that movement. Maybe she actually supports the war, or maybe she finds protesters distasteful. Or maybe this action is her first step into the wider world of activism. Who knows? But it seems premature to call her an antiwar activist before she identifies as one or makes some kind of explicit commitment to that movement.
A reasonable criticism. But I still disagree.
ReplyDeleteTrue, there were organized feminist groups--zillions of them, in fact. (I'd include Operation Life among them--the leaders of the group had certainly made explicit political commitments to feminist principles.) I think it would be right to define the feminist "movement" as the sum of these disparate groups, since there was no central, official, organized feminist movement defined by name-able national leaders (although there were national-stature individual who tried, and failed, to claim leadership--at least, they failed outside the realm of journalists and first-generation women's historians, where their efforts played quite well).
But beyond these groups--which I think you might still not accept as a "movement" because they were so disparate--there were many people undertaking quite politically radical acts, some as simple as (say) filing for divorce or pressing charges against a rapist, asking for a raise, establishing nontraditional relationships and families, etc., well before there was any cultural sanction for these acts, and often under full awareness of how they challenged the gender order. If these women (and men) weren't "feminists" then what were they?
This debate reminds me of R.D.G. Kelly's challenge to labor historians to look beyond unions, which seemed the sina qua non of economically meaningful activism, to individuals and groups, often lower down on the social hierarchy, whose methods and strategies of resistance were rendered invisible and irrelevant by a focus on labor unions.
As I read it, your definition of "movement" would exclude a huge number (probably the vast majority) of women and men who actively and significantly--and often knowingly and purposefully--challenged the gender order, during the same decade or so, usually working along similar axes (reproductive choice, decent pay and meaningful work, education, etc. etc.).
I guess I'd argue that your definition of a "movement" better captures an "activist organization" rather than the much broader, much messier, set of experiences that powered social movements. Either way, though, I'd actually say Operation Life fits the bill.
I have to say that for me the lack of self identification as feminists is a problem. But I also think the problem is the terminology and not the classification. When there were women who identified themselves as feminists it sets a standard as to whom should be considered as members of that group. To achieve a general understanding of the complexities of the activism that occurred it may be necessary to alter the terminology, not abandon the label feminists, but as was said maybe it only refers to those that self identify but nevertheless are a part of the struggle for women rights. Because of the lack of general understanding of what occurred and who participated it may be necessary to change to the terms of the debate to create a new consciousness and understanding. With that said I think the question is where do people get this understanding of who feminists were/are?
ReplyDeleteSo it sounds like the best way to handle this might be to say, "feminism was the small but influential white and affluent wing of a much broader 'second wave' of women's activism that most Americans have forgotten about"? While I'm ok with this I still have reservations. First off, is it realistic? Given the hold that "feminism" has on popular memory, can we really persuade people to switch to "women's activism"? Second, in trying to convince people that the switch is important, how do we explain the difference between the two categories--what's new about our new label--when both "feminism" and "women's activism" involved women (and some men) challenging legal, political, cultural, and social gender constraints and oppressions? (Operation Life, e.g., worked exclusively with women, and exclusively on women's issues like "welfare"--only given to women--reproductive freedom, glass ceilings, etc.; how was it any different from a self-proclaimed "feminist" group?) And finally, I still have a hard time shaking my suspicion that the central problem--the cultural stigma associated with feminism--will just go on and bedevil any new words coined for the phenomenon.
ReplyDeleteBut heck, it's not like what I've been doing has been very successful in teaching this part of womens' history. Next fall I'll give the "womens' activism" tack a try in my post-'45 class and let you know how it goes. (& for those who are interested, I'll be teaching a graduate reading seminar on "Civil Rights Movements" next year, I think in the Spring. The conversation can continue.)
So this is a little late but i feel as if i should chime in. My initial reaction in class was to say, "no, these women are not feminists because they did not identify as such." This was a purely gut reaction. My problem, it would seems, comes from considering myself, to a certain degree, a "feminist," as well as my study of the writings of certain radical feminists.
ReplyDeleteThe word "feminist," as we've noticed through this discussion, still has a certain degree of power attached to it. Those that accept the ahistorical definition of "feminism" today may not want to define certain women, who acted in a feministic way--meaning that they followed the liberal feminist perspective of attaining economic and social concessions in order to "better" their day to day lives--as "feminist" since they feel it would tarnish the image of these women.
On the other hand, women who self-identified as "feminists," i feel, would not want to relinquish the word "feminist" to just any woman who took part in the broader societal changes of this period. The label "feminist," for women (and men) who self identified as such, can be seen, by them, as a badge of honor showing that they have been committed to the "cause" over the years.
Yet, i do agree that women that did not identify as feminists but still involved themselves in, as you said, "quite politically radical acts, some as simple as (say) filing for divorce or pressing charges against a rapist, asking for a raise, establishing nontraditional relationships and families" affected the social/political landscape. These acts undoubtedly brought about the broader social change that has normalized, to a certain degree, "filing for divorce" or "pressing charges against a rapist."
So, as historians should we see hour job to label these women as feminists? I'm still uneasy about labeling them as such. Saying that they engaged in feministic practices that challenged the status quo of the period is a sentiment that i can get behind.
We should acknowledge those women who identified as feminists as "feminists"--granted i do not think we can present this group as homogeneous as there were liberal feminists, socialist feminists, Marxist feminists, and woman's liberationists all operating during the same period and each of them had a variety of different goals--and give them their proper place as historical actors. Yet, at the same time we cannot get caught up in focuses on them alone. Other women, like those in "operation life," are definitely part of the 'second wave' movement within America.
Would it be possible to insert all these women into the post WWII narrative of the push for more political/economic rights for minorities and women? Could we call this the greater "woman's rights" movement? From what we've been talking about, there seems to be a need to step away from a focus on those "visible" women during this period and include those women who were influenced--directly or indirectly-- by liberal feminist ideas and practices. These women made the choices in their day to day lives that helped normalize practices that have women greater economic and political rights.
So i guess that's a long way to say that i agree with what you are saying Dr. Herzberg but there is still some things to work out.
P.S. I'm still not sure this has changed the overall oppression/exploitation of women, but that's another debate entirely.